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By Marah Bukaiِ ALWaref Exclusive   The city of Damascus was recently ranked seventh in a list published by the New York Times of the 31 best tourist cities in the world of 2010, indicating the importance of this city as a global tourist Mecca, with its ancient Syrian --

--houses that have been transformed into first-class hotels, much like Marrakesh, which came in sixteenth and which attracts a mixture of western tourists with its warm eastern character.  These Syrian guest houses compete in terms of service, price, and charm, with the hotels and resorts of cities like Eilat in Israel, whose cities were completely absent from the list.

If Damascus’s being placed in this category is a strong indicator of the American—and consequently international—opening to Syria in terms of tourism, where is this country on the global political map?

The most recent visit of the US Envoy for Middle East Peace, Senator George Mitchell, to Damascus resulted in the nomination of Robert Stephen Ford as the new American ambassador to the Syria.  Washington had previously recalled its ambassador in Damascus, then Margaret Scobey, in 2005 as a result of rising tensions between the two countries in the wake of the assassination of the former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri and other unresolved issues.  The Bush administration believed that Damascus held most of the keys to the region, beginning with Syria’s relationship with organizations that were included on the US State Department’s list of terrorist groups, such as Hezbollah and Hamas, and moving on to Syria’s support for suicide bombings targeting the US presence in Iraq, including Damascus’s facilitation of suicide bombers moving into Iraq over the Syrian border.  Lastly, Damascus was also responsible for the suppression of Syrian civil society movements and the prosecution of political activists that demanded a peaceful democratic change of power.

Damascus met the US initiative of nominating a new American ambassador to Damascus by promising to resume British-US-Syrian intelligence cooperation that had stopped when tensions were at their peak between Syria and the United States and other members of the coalition that participated in military operations in Iraq to overthrow Saddam Hussein in 2003.

Damascus returned to the international arena through a wide-open American gate without paying price for a ticket:  It did not abandon its strategic relationship with Iran that is antagonizing the international community, it did not announce a rapprochement with the Netanyahu government in order to please the lobbies in Washington, and it did not succumb to foreign powers that were apprehensive about its role in Lebanon, especially its “hotline” with Hezbollah.  Damascus did not relax its grip on reformist voices both inside and outside Syria that were calling for political pluralism and participation, individual and civic freedoms, and rights for the ethnic groups that contribute to the diversity of Syria’s social fabric.  Neither did Syrian authorities pay any attention to the demands of international human rights organizations nor the international community all together.

The administration of President Obama is pursuing a plan to strengthen the dialogue with Syria, with both its advantages and disadvantages, certain of its role at the helm of regional security.

In light of the return of “subtitles” to Syrian international relations, I want, as a neutral observer suffering from a chronic case of nostalgia, to record here ten recommendations to bring Syria back to good national health first, and to entrust it—based on the unity of the people—with building and maintaining a greater future peace, an issue that is more complex than war itself:

1. Cancel the state of emergency and martial law that Syrians have lived under since it was declared in 1963 by the Revolutionary Council in the wake of the military coup.  This state of emergency has continued for more than four decades, during which time civil life has almost completely broken down due to the systematic militarization of all parts of Syrian society.
2. Dismantle the connection between the security apparatus and the executive and judicial branches.  This confusing link throws a wrench into the gears of the state.  Liberate Syria internally from the “occupation” that the security apparatus has imposed on public life: the repression of freedom of speech, freedom of thought, and almost all political and civic life.
3. Declare a general amnesty for all prisoners of conscience, political activists, writers, and thinkers.  Compensate them for the years of oppression that they have experienced; compensate them by allowing political activities and party organizing.  Allow the expression of opinions without any censorship except the conscience of the individual, both professional and patriotic.
4. Reactivate the independent bodies of civil society that have been completely paralyzed since the 1960s.  Establish the role of civil society organizations in rebuilding individual and public freedoms, celebrating the multicultural fabric of Syria, and driving political participation in order to establish “democracy” with local ingredients and a national fingerprint.
5. Bring together at a table of national reconciliation the opposition and regime loyalists from both inside Syria and from the Diaspora.  Invite the top Syrian émigré minds to contribute to rebuilding the state through a political renewal that calls for freedom of thought, that rejects ethnic and sectarian discrimination, celebrates political pluralism, and that makes possible the transition of power. 
6. Revive the concept of “citizenship” that has been lost over the past decades due to the emphasis on “nationalism.”  Raise the slogan, “person first, then the land.”  Grant the person/citizen the living space necessary to exercise all his rights and freedoms.  This is parallel to his responsibility to carry out his national duties.  As a result, he will become an active partner in building the future, according to his abilities, and without regard to his political, religious, or ethnic affiliation.
7. Break the monopoly on wealth and liberate the economy that is currently centralized in the hands of a small circle with exclusive political influence.  Ensure transparency in the distribution of wealth and opportunities that neither includes favoritism nor discrimination.
8. Change the direction of Syria’s regional alliances, both strategic, like its conscientious alliance with Iran, or tactical, like Syria’s political and logistical support for militant groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the remnants of the Iraqi Ba’ath Party.  In withdrawing from these alliances, slowly but surely, open up to the world with open arms and open intentions.
9. Sit at an announced negotiating table with Israel, far from the usual arrogance and chronic maneuvering.  The launching point for these negotiations should be “Rabin’s deposit,” which were the final terms accepted by the previous president, Hafiz Asad.  His son Basahar Al-Asad, the current president, first officially announced his commitment to these terms just before taking the oath of office during his inauguration to a second presidential term in 2007.
10. Legitimize Syrian-Israeli negotiations, in order to achieve—in contrast to what was achieved by the Camp David Agreement signed by Egypt and Israel in 1978—a wide popular acceptance by the Syrian people of the terms of the agreement.  This agreement will gradually develop into a normalization of relations between the Syrian and Israeli peoples on all economic, political, and societal issues.  Arriving at this popular acceptance of an agreement will only be achieved through a general referendum that takes into account the opinion of the Syrian people.